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CIA's Overthrow Plans for Iran Agency musters Swiftboat vets, pumps funding into destabilization program aimed at Teheran. Trish Schuh reveals how White House approves race-baiting smears of Islam. Remember how Leadbelly got ripped off by Lomax, how Louis Armstrong's agent got richer than his most famous client? The rip-offs never die. Fred Wilhelms narrates how artists and musicians are being shafted in the age of the internet. Meet the real Judge John Roberts, serf for big business. Cockburn and St Clair dissect the Court's new nominee. Tailhook vet and self-proclaimed Tom Cruise model bites dust in Pentagon scandal: a defense industry parable. St. Clair on Duke Cunningham's Crash Landing. Get the answers you're looking for in the latest subscriber-only edition of CounterPunch ... CounterPunch Online is read by millions of viewers each month! But remember, we are funded solely by the subscribers to the print edition of CounterPunch. Please support this website by buying a subscription to our newsletter, which contains fresh material you won't find anywhere else, or by making a donation for the online edition. Remember contributions are tax-deductible. Click here to make a donation. If you find our site useful please: Subscribe Now! or write CounterPunch, PO BOX 228, Petrolia, CA 95558 |
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Other Lands Have Dreams: From Baghdad to Pekin Prison by Kathy Kelly ![]() Today's Stories August 18, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts
August 17, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Robert
Jensen Carl
G. Estabrook Mike
Whitney Niranjan
Ramakrishnan Norman
Solomon Dave
Zirin Jennifer
Loewenstein CounterPunch
August 16, 2005 Greg
Moses Thomas
Larson Diana
Barahona Dave
Lindorff Rep.
Cynthia McKinney Elisa
Salasin David
Krieger Alexander
Cockburn Website
of the Day
August 15, 2005 Greg
Moses Paul
Craig Roberts Mike
Whitney Robert
Jensen CounterPunch
Wire Norman
Solomon Kathleen
Christison August 13 / 14, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair William
Blum Gary
Leupp Jack
Z. Bratich Brian
Cloughley Ron
Jacobs John
Farley Dave
Lindorff Tim
Wise J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. John
Gershman Felice
Pace Fred
Gardner David
Krieger Roxanne
Dunbar-Ortiz Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement
August 12, 2005 Christopher
Brauchli Greg
Moses Ramzy
Baroud Norman
Solomon Chris
Genovali Chris
Floyd Tariq
Ali
August 11, 2005 Saul
Landau Dave
Lindorff Ralph
Nader Talli
Nauman Gary
Leupp Sharon
Smith Paul
Craig Roberts
August 10, 2005 Tim
Wise Ron
Jacobs Joshua
Frank Cynthia
McKinney Rick
Wilhelm Stan
Goff
August 9, 2005 Mike
Ferner Monica
Benderman Mike
Marqusee Rep.
Cynthia McKinney Paul
Craig Roberts
August 6-8, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Jason
Leopold Ray
McGovern David
Krieger Sharon
K. Weiner / Robert Jensen Fred
Gardner
August 5, 2005 Bill
Christison Paul
Craig Roberts Alexander
Cockburn
August 4, 2005 Tom
Barry Lila
Rajiva Greg
Moses Alexander
Cockburn August 3, 2005
August 3, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Paul
Craig Roberts William
A. Cook Dave
Zirin Dave
Lindorff José
Pertierra
August 2, 2005 Ramzi
Kysia William
A. Cook Paul
Craig Roberts Mike
Whitney Ron
Jacobs Norman
Madarsz Tim
Wise
August 1, 2005 Virginia
Rodino Diana
Barahona Joshua
Frank Mike
Whitney Norm
Dixon Norman
Solomon James
Petras
July 30 / 31, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn JoAnn
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Rampton Jack
Z. Bratich Greg
Moses Jordan
Green Patrick
Cockburn Brian
Cloughley Justin
Taylor Saul
Landau John
Walsh Joshua
Frank Ron
Jacobs Fred
Gardner John
Chuckman Liaquat
Ali Khan Remi
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Heinberg Max
Watts Ben
Tripp Poets'
Basement
July 29, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair P.
Sainath Niranjan
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Chestnut, Jr. Pat
Williams Norman
Solomon Sen.
Russ Feingold
July 28, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts William
S. Lind Gilad
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Frank Lila
Rajiva Amina
Mire Website
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July 27, 2005 Roger
Morris Gary
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Corr Mike
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Solomon Website
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July 26, 2005 Suren
Pillay JoAnn
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Anderson Joshua
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Swanson
July 25, 2005 Paul
Craig Roberts M.
Shahid Alam Uri
Avnery Stan
Cox Norman
Solomon Ramzy
Baroud Mickey
Z. Website
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July 23 / 24, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Tariq
Ali Robert
Fisk Dave
Lindorff Ricardo
Alarcón Col.
Dan Smith Brian
Cloughley Kevin
Zeese Bill
Quigley Fred
Gardner Rep.
Ron Paul Joshua
Frank Shivali
Tukdeo Gilad
Atzmon James
Petras Ben
Tripp Poets'
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of the Weekend
July 22, 2005 Heather
Gray David
Domke Lance
Selfa JoAnn
Wypijewski
July 21, 2005 Rose
Ann DeMoro William
Blum J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. Christopher
Brauchli Joshua
Frank Brian
Concannon, Jr. Patrick
Cockburn Website
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July 20, 2005 Cockburn
/ St. Clair Roxanne
Dunbar-Ortiz Ray
McGovern Chris
Floyd Uri
Avnery Dave
Lindorff Norman
Solomon Bill
Quigley
July 19, 2005 Tariq
Ali John
Ross Davey
D. Greg
Weiher Brian
McKinlay Norman
Solomon Dave
Lindorff Bill
Christison Joshua
Frank
July 18, 2005 Joshua
Frank M.
Shahid Alam Jude
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Whitney William
MacDougall Seth
Sandronsky Richard
Lichtman Paul
Craig Roberts Website
of the Weekend
July 15 / 17, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Jeffrey
St. Clair Paul
Craig Roberts Harry
Browne Uri
Davis, Ilan Pappe and Tamar Yaron Andrew
Rubin Patrick
Cockburn J.L.
Chestnut, Jr. Fred
Gardner Christopher
Brauchli Chris
Floyd Ben
Tripp Col.
Dan Smith Jason
Leopold Jack
Random Norman
Solomon George
Ochenski Website
of the Weekend
July 14, 2005 Jeffrey
St. Clair Subcomandante
Marcos Dave
Lindorff Joshua
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Fiyouzat Carol
Norris Website
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N. Rubin Website
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July 9 / 11, 2005 Alexander
Cockburn Uri
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August 18, 2005 Theatrics in GazaThe Disengagement That Isn'tBy RAMZY BAROUD It is rather curious how the Palestinian Authority opted to get engaged in a process that was solely aimed at excluding it, and how the debate has completely shifted from Israel's real motives to internal Palestinian quarrels over post-withdrawal details and definitions. When Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon announced his plans to 'disengage' from Gaza and a tiny West Bank enclave, he maintained that his unilateral move was principally compelled by the fact that Palestinians were no partners in peace. They never were, his right wing officials parroted, a reality, they contested, and that most likely will not change in the near future. Thus 'disengagement', for the sake of Israel's security, boils down to demographic supremacy, not Palestinian rights. The Israeli narrative was always clear, albeit iniquitous. "Israel was leaving Gaza in order to retain large chunks of the West Bank," the Jerusalem Post summarized the declared positions of Israel's top officials. This concept was originally initiated by the ever-blunt Chief of Staff Dov Weisglass last year, then Israel's top military strategist, Defence Minister Shaul Mofaz, and, according to the Post, Sharon himself. Those unfamiliar with the situation on the ground held their breath for the ground shaking disengagement. Those familiar with Israel's military and political maneuvers however, must have understood; Sharon is once again toying with land, politics and demographics, yet the same sorry ending is awaiting Palestinians: the lock, the key, the prison guard and the ever familiar scene of Palestinians being held captive at checkpoints. True, the settlements were and remain more or less the core issue. Removing 21 settlements from Gaza, 4 from the West Bank and evacuating over 8,000 Jewish settlers is a good thing, it was assumed. But blindly accepting the aforementioned conclusion is forfeiting a very valuable lesson that should've been deduced from the botched Oslo experiment: Israel is very keen on details. The odd part is that the Israeli government labored little to give false impressions regarding the real meaning of its army and settlers deployment. Israel did not wish to hide the fact that it would retain control over the borders of Gaza, its land, its air and its water. Equally there were no real efforts made to hide the fact that Israel maintains the right to strike the impoverished and utterly crowded strip at the time of its choosing or that it wished to have total control over anything or anybody that enters or leaves the area. Gaza's 'open air prison' status, gained since the Israeli occupation in 1967, will hardly be affected. Nonetheless much is gained. For one, Israel can comfortably subtract Gaza's 1.5 million inhabitants from its demographic nightmare, maintaining, for a while longer perhaps, the Jewish majority. The move will also end Israel's futile military quest to subdue a strategically inconsequential enclave, scrapping with such a decision the unfavorable international attention given to its Gaza occupation, the demoralization of its armed forces and the unavoidable loss of life as a result of Palestinian attacks on its settlements. So while journalists and commentators engagingly debated the fate of the rubble of the Jewish settlements following the limited Israeli withdrawal, whether the extremists will claim control over Gaza or if Mahmoud Abbas has what it takes to 'reign in the militants,' a more relevant debate was almost completely cast aside: will Israel become less of an occupier after a few thousand settlers are relocated to a less vulnerable spot with their pockets full of cash (nearly a million dollars per family, a cost that will eventually be paid by American tax payers)? It's important to recall that Sharon's disengagement was Israel's response to George W. Bush's road map, which was hypothetically approved by both Israel and the PA in June 2003. As 'painful' as the disengagement was, it was Sharon's only dramatic escape from being bogged down by any kind of mutual commitment, by deadlines, by reciprocity and ultimately a dynamic political process. Israel does what Israel sees best. That's the bottom line. Meanwhile the Hamas is painted as the bogeyman, ready to strike and strangle Palestinian secularists, the men for not wearing beards and women for not covering their hair. The fact that Israel intended to maintain 'security control' over Gaza and the evacuated parts of the West Bank changes nothing, apparently. Meanwhile, the Separation Wall carries on consuming West Bank land, snaking in to include the illegal settlements, disfiguring the topography, the demographics, everything. As for the occupied East Jerusalem, well, it's effectively not a part of any Palestinian territorial continuity anymore. It's unfortunate that Palestinians are dignifying the Israeli move by willingly 'cooperating' regarding the post-disengagement fate of Gaza, rather than drawing international attention to the foreseeable reality of the Occupied Territories. The fear of a Hamas takeover has in some ironic way unified Israeli and PA concerns. Palestinian official, Saeb Erekat told foreign journalists in Jerusalem of a visit he paid to Sharon a year and a half ago, according to UPI. "We want to be your partner in this," Erakat appealed to Sharon. "Please. Weigh the consequences of what you call unilateral steps. We don't want Palestinian extremists to stand up in Gaza and say this is the result of suicide bombers and Qassam (rocket attacks)." What Erekat had seemingly forgotten is that the legacy of blood espoused by successive Israeli governments in Gaza should've been of a greater, more urgent concern than the fear of an inflated Palestinian interpretation regarding driving the Israeli military out of the wretched enclave. What has also been conveniently omitted by the official Palestinian account is that had it not been for their people's steadfastness and all acts of resistance and sacrifice since the first hours of the Israeli occupation some thirty eight years ago, Israel would've never for a moment pondered leaving the cheap, yet scenic and marvelous Gaza settlement resorts. So what if the Palestinians march in victory and inscribe the names of fallen fighters on the decaying walls of Gaza, celebrating their sacrifices and courage? Is it the fear that the popularity of Hamas might win it a few extra seats in the upcoming elections? Is it because the PA can claim no credit, not for its persistence nor for its political achievements? Regardless of what Israel has aimed to achieve by disengaging from Gaza, and regardless of how Palestinians wish to interpret such a move, Gaza is still an occupied land, constituting barely 4.5 per cent of the overall Occupied Territories of 1967. Gaza's fight for freedom is still intrinsically linked to the Palestinian suffering and struggle in the West Bank, in Jerusalem, and the fight of millions of Palestinian refugees demanding recognition of their right to return. So, while the disengagement has successfully engaged international media and has created quite a stir within internal Israeli and Palestinian politics, it is poised to change little on the ground. Only within the framework of a complete military withdrawal from Gaza and the rest of the Occupied Territories, in accordance with international law and based on mutual agreements by both parties, shall a real solution evolve. Other than that, it's politics as usual. Ramzy Baroud, a veteran Arab American journalist,
teaches mass communication at Curtin University of Technology.
He is the author of the forthcoming book, Writings on the
Second Palestinian Uprising (Pluto Press, London.)
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